In Syria also, where, according to Josephus, the largest number of Jews lived,7 they
experienced special favour. In Antioch their rights and immunities were recorded on tables of
brass.8
7. War, vii. 3. 3.
8. War, vii. 5. 2.
But, indeed, the capital of Syria was one of their favourite resorts. It will be remembered what
importance attached to it in the early history of the Christian Church. Antioch was the third city
of the Empire, and lay just outside what the Rabbinists designated as `Syria' and still regarded
as holy ground. Thus it formed, so to speak, an advanced post between the Palestinian and the
Gentile world. Its chief Synagogue was a magnificent building, to which the successors of
Antiochus Epiphanes had given the spoils which that monarch had brought from the Temple.
The connection between Jerusalem and Antioch was very close. All that occurred in that city
was eagerly watched in the Jewish capital. The spread of Christianity there must have excited
deep concern. Careful as the Talmud is not to afford unwelcome information, which might have
led to further mischief, we know that three of the principal Rabbis went thither on a mission - we
can scarcely doubt for the purpose of arresting the progress of Christianity. Again, we find at a
later period a record of religious controversy in Antioch between Rabbis and Christians.9 Yet
the Jews of Antioch were strictly Hellenistic, and on one occasion a great Rabbi was unable to
find among them a copy of even the Book of Esther in Hebrew, which, accordingly, he had to
write out from memory for his use in their Synagogue. A fit place this great border-city,
crowded by Hellenists, in close connection with Jerusalem, to be the birthplace of the name
`Christian,' to send forth a Paul on his mission to the Gentile world, and to obtain for it a charter
of citizenship far nobler than that of which the record was graven on tablets of brass.
9. Comp. generally Neubauer, Géogr. du Talmud, pp. 312, 313.
But, whatever privileges Israel might enjoy, history records an almost continuous series of
attempts, on the part of the communities among whom they lived, to deprive them not only of
their immunities, but even of their common rights. Foremost among the reasons of this
antagonism we place the absolute contrariety between heathenism and the Synagogue, and the
social isolation which Judaism rendered necessary. It was avowedly unlawful for the Jew even
`to keep company, or come unto one of another nation.'10 To quarrel with this, was to find fault
with the law and the religion which made him a Jew. But besides, there was that pride of
descent, creed, enlightenment, and national privileges, which St. Paul so graphically sums up as
`making boast of God and of the law.'11 However differently they might have expressed it, Philo
and Hillel would have been at one as to the absolute superiority of the Jew as such. Pretensions
of this kind must have been the more provocative, that the populace at any rate envied the
prosperity which Jewish industry, talent, and capital everywhere secured. Why should that
close, foreign corporation possess every civic right, and yet be free from many of its burdens?
Why should their meetings be excepted from the `collegia illicita?' why should they alone be
allowed to export part of the national wealth, to dedicate it to their superstition in Jerusalem?
The Jew could not well feign any real interest in what gave its greatness to Ephesus, it